In consequence of the several disasters which the Moslem arms had sustained during the late spring, the evils and oppressions to which the garrisons on the frontiers had been exposed, and also because the contest was not yet ended, the mind of the grand vezír, when he considered all these things, was very much afflicted; and therefore, as the most effectual remedy for his grief, and for securing a more favourable state of things, he sent, at once, an account of the whole state of matters, and also a statement of the finances, and that of the army, to the court of Constantinople. The grand vezír found, it would appear, that military movements were a difficult thing to attend to, especially every time a fixed period was necessary to be observed with respect to those movements. Besides, the army of Romeili had been precluded from attending to their harvest. In short, all these things together had a powerful effect on Sinán Páshá’s mind, and led him to regret his having had any thing to do with the war at all.
In these circumstances, and being no way prepared to prosecute the war, he called together his emírs, commanders of castles, chiefs of the army, nobles, and other great and learned men, to consult them as to the steps which ought, in their situation, to be adopted. But fortunately, at this time, the succours, as to men and money, which his letters requested from the government of Constantinople, were hastening towards him.
It may be observed here, that it was not customary for the ághás of the Janissaries to go forth to war, except along with the emperor. On this occasion this rule was departed from, and Sáleh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to conduct the Janissaries to join the grand vezír Ibrahím Aghá, superintendent of the armoury, with a thousand men-at-arms, and a sufficient number of portable tents were attached to this expedition. They set out for Belgrade on the 1st of Rajab. On the Segbán Báshí, the commander of the guard, devolved the duties belonging to Sáleh Mohammed Páshá’s office during his absence from Constantinople.
Before these arrangements took place, however, Kapúdán Jeghala Zádeh was ordered out to sea with a fleet of five galleys carrying troops, who reached the Mediterranean before the middle of Shabán. Ghází Gheráí Khán of the Crimea, was also required to join the grand vezír, and assist him by his counsels and by his arms.
About the middle of the above-mentioned month, the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, began to collect his troops from their winter quarters, and commenced pitching his tents in the plains of Serim, when he ordered distribution of provision, &c. to be made to the men under his own command; where also he was soon afterwards joined by the following chiefs: viz. Mohammed Páshá, Válí of Sivás; Mohammed Páshá, Válí of Merœsh; Alí Páshá, Válí of Vœrka; Ahmed Páshá, the serdár or commander-in-chief of Buda; and Ahmed Páshá, governor of Bosnia: and where, too, the ághá and his Janissaries, sent from Constantinople, joined his camp.
The grand vezír and his associates in arms, after having consulted as to the mode of commencing their operations, resolved on attacking Yanuk first, and accordingly sent off their heavy baggage towards Tata. Mohammed Páshá, the grand vezír’s son, was appointed to command the artillery; the Governor of Buda, Hasan Páshá, to head the Cherkají troops or Iägers; the Governor of Bosnia, the advance guard; the Beglerbeg of Anatolia was appointed to command the right wing; another Beglerbeg was to command the left wing; and the Páshá or Válí of Merœsh, in conformity to ancient custom, was appointed to command the rear-guard.
On the 14th of Shevál the grand army advanced to the plains of Tata. Tata lies in a plain in the vicinity of mountains near the Danube, opposite to Komran, an island in the Danube, about two leagues from Tata. The enemy, who had posted themselves on the opposite side of the river, had also extended their lines as far as Tata; but this place after three days’ siege, yielded to the conquerors. A garrison was thrown into it, and such of the enemy as escaped from it fled to Komran.
In the mean time the Khán of the Tátárs reached the royal camp. He was seated on a beautiful horse, and alighted from it at the door of the grand vezír’s pavilion. After having rested himself on a suitable sofa, and taken some refreshment, a handsome ewer ornamented with gold was presented before him, in which he washed his hands, and which was afterwards handed to his armour-bearer. The Khán was also presented with a sword adorned with jewels, a bridle ornamented with gold, a two-edged dagger, a club with an iron head, and a most beautiful charger. Five thousand pieces of pure gold were also presented to him. The whole of the begs or princes, and such of the ághás as were present on this august occasion, conducted the Khán to his own royal tent. The fortress of Semarin, in the neighbourhood of Tata, was evacuated by the enemy and taken possession of by the Moslem troops.
It has already been observed how Ibrahím Páshá, the son-in-law of Sinán Páshá, and other sycophants of the latter, had effected a change in the emperor’s mind towards Ferhád. They at last succeeded in moving him to remove him from office altogether. Accordingly the seals of office, at the close of the month Shevál, were sent to Sinán Páshá, who, on being raised to the premiership, set immediately to work in seeking the destruction of his predecessor. He insinuated that Ferhád maintained a secret correspondence with the apostate Michael: that he meditated the utter ruin and destruction of the Moslem army: he accused him of negligence, infidelity, and treachery, and importuned his warrant: and, in order to encompass his death, he took the royal seal and signed a commission, which he sent to the deputy of the Janissaries, Ahmed Aghá, desiring him to execute this diabolical but earnestly desired object. He issued another order for taking possession of the arsenal and other stores which Ferhád had provided for the war. Before either of these firmáns reached the place of their destination, however, a friend of Ferhád had hastened, with all manner of speed, to inform him what was going on against him. The information had such an effect on the unfortunate Páshá, that his life, for a while, was despaired of. He was, however, able to make arrangements for his return. He informed a diván, called for the purpose, that he found it necessary to return to Constantinople, and therefore required some men to accompany him. He, accordingly, selected about three thousand veterans from the most valiant of the troops, and delivered over, secretly however, to Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, his own seal, and all the stores to Mohammed Páshá. Having settled every thing relative to the troops that were to accompany him, he mounted his horse and set out for Constantinople. To avoid meeting the officer who had in charge the grand vezír’s firmán, he travelled by a different route, night and day, with the greatest speed.
When the officer reached Rusjuk, he learned, to his surprise, that Ferhád had set out two days before; but with the assistance of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, he immediately transmitted an account of this circumstance to Constantinople.
Sinán Páshá was still in the metropolis. The Syrian troops, destined for the war, had arrived. Sinán informed them that a sentence of death had been issued against Ferhád. “His head is mine, his property yours,” said he, and sent off these fearless troops to intercept him.
In the mean time Sinán Páshá busied himself in making arrangements for carrying on the war in Hungary. The Syrian troops, just now mentioned, fell in with Ferhád’s treasures, which were carried on camels. These they seized, whilst Ferhád himself stood on a rising ground at a distance, and saw what was going on. There is another version of this story. It says, that when these Syrians met Ferhád, he had the presence of mind to scatter some purses of silver and gold amongst the rapacious fellows, and made off with himself whilst they were scrambling for the booty thus thrown amongst them. The story goes on to say that the Syrians began to quarrel about the division of the spoil they had so very easily acquired, and that instead of fairly dividing it, each man set off with what fell into his own hands.
Ferhád, in the meantime, succeeded in descending the mountains of Istrenj, and arrived at his own villa near Constantinople in the middle of Dhu’l hijja. Here he concealed himself, but sent all his treasures and jewels as a present to the emperor’s mother. This mode of applying his money had a wonderful effect, for the joyful news of his being about to be pardoned soon became public.
The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, reached Rusjuk, on the borders of the empire, before these things had transpired, and had other objects to occupy his attention, independent of Ferhád. But his son-in-law, Ibrahím Páshá, was still governor of Constantinople, and when he heard the report that Ferhád was to be pardoned, formed another plot for effecting his destruction, which succeeded, as the sequel will show. He employed one Soleimán, a German Jew, a well-known fellow, who succeeded in finding out where Ferhád had secreted himself, and afterwards sent him (probably by the same infamous Jew) a letter, as from the emperor, which conveyed to him a free pardon. This, the poor man had no doubt, was an act of mercy from his sovereign, and therefore ventured out of his hiding-place and commenced paying visits to his friends. One morning, however, by break of day, his villa was surrounded, and himself made prisoner by the Bostánjí báshí, who conducted him forthwith to the Seven Towers. This took place on the 5th of Sefer, 1004. Ibrahím Páshá wrote out his indictment and laid it before the throne, and soon afterwards succeeded in obtaining the emperor’s warrant for taking away his life. Accordingly, Chobán Soleimán Aghá, a chávush báshí, strangled him in the Seven Towers that same night, before supper-time.
We have already, in a former section, noticed the purport of this expedition, and left the grand army encamped in the plains of Petcheva. On the 25th of Dhu’l hijja of that year they reached Betchgarak, where they halted for some time.
About the middle of the thousand and seventh Moharrem (i.e. about the middle of the month Moharrem, 1007 of the Hijrah), Válí Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, died; and Mohammed Páshá, beglerbeg of Anatolia, who had been stationed at Usk, was appointed to succeed him, and immediately joined the grand army. Mohammed Páshá was succeeded at Usk by Súfí Sinán Páshá, beglerbeg of Agria; and he again was succeeded by Bektásh Páshá, governor of Solnuk.
At Betchgarak, a place rendered sacred by the death of the late beglerbeg of Romeili, the army remained full fifty-five days waiting for the arrival of the Tátár khán and his subsidiary troops.
During the stay of the grand army at this place, it happened that messengers arrived from Buda who informed the commander-in-chief that the fortress of Tata had been taken by the enemy, and immediately after this other messengers brought him intelligence from Alba Julia that Pulata was besieged. Without loss of time, therefore, and in the utmost haste, he issued orders to the troops of Semendria to march to Buda and strengthen that garrison.
In the meantime, information reached the Moslem camp that Ghází Gheráí Khán, with his Tátár troops had arrived in the neighbourhood; and on the 26th of Moharrem the khán joined the royal army with forty-five thousand men. The Moslem serdár, on his approach, went out with great pomp and shew, to meet his royal highness, and to perform the honours due to him, and which were usual on such occasions; he also prepared a splendid entertainment for him and his suite. The royal khán, in his turn, made a suitable acknowledgment to the serdár and to the other magnates of the Moslem camp. After the entertainment was over, the serdár conducted his royal highness to his pavilion, and returned to his own. He caused, however, another tent to be erected for the khán near his own, and one for his females; and provided them with every thing necessary for their accommodation and comfort. To each of one hundred of the khán’s mirzás a robe of honour was given: but to the royal auxiliary himself a splendid robe, an embroidered coat, two Agria horses, and a saddle and bridle richly ornamented with gold and precious gems were presented.
On the 27th, the commander-in-chief or serdár, the princes and commanders of regiments went to pay their respects to his royal highness, when a royal mandate which had been received from Constantinople was read in the presence of these august personages. After the mandate was read, the khán, the serdár, and the other dignitaries present, stood up, offered up a prayer, and then immediately entered into consultation as to the best means for accomplishing the object of the expedition. The question as to the route they should take formed one of the topics which occupied their minds on this important occasion. After a good deal of conversation on this subject, the chiefs of the borders observed, that there were three roads which penetrated Transylvania. The first led to the fortress of Lipovah; the second, to Sibish and Loghúsh; and the third, to Warad. His royal highness Ghází Gheráí observed, it would be most proper to go by the one which could be shown to be the most eligible for the transporting of cannon and heavy baggage, and on which they could most easily defend themselves in the event of being attacked. One of the most distinguished of the border leaders replied by saying: “Sire, the roads of Sibish and Loghúsh, and of Lipovah, are both difficult and dangerous, and afford no means of defence against the enemy should they be disposed to attack us. The road leading to Warad, on the contrary, is broad and open, and on this account, as well as others, it is the most preferable one: besides, it is the only one of the three in which we can most efficiently as well as conveniently, accomplish our object—the chastising of the Transylvanians.” “But,” said the khán, “will the infidels of Warad not endeavour to intercept or ensnare us? In the event of their attempting any of these expedients, is there no danger, and shall we not be obliged to relinquish our object? In the event of our succeeding in reducing it, can we keep possession of it after we have taken it?” He asked further, whether the reduction of the place would likely occupy much time. With the view of doing honour to the prowess of the serdár, it was replied, though falsely, that two or three pieces of ordnance were quite sufficient for the purpose of accomplishing the reduction of Warad; and that, afterwards, they could advance against Zighmund (probably the prince of Transylvania). This representation weighed with the council. Etmekjí Zádeh, the defterdár of the expedition, attended to every thing necessary for the attempt, and provided the army with apparatus for occupying the fortress.
In consequence, however, of the great length of time which had elapsed, since leaving Belgrade, including the fifty-five days they had to wait for the khán, the half of the season for carrying on hostilities was past, but still they were determined to do what they could. About the middle of the month Sefer, one Yúghen, an ághá of Temiswar, and one who was well acquainted with the roads, was appointed to conduct the Moslem army to Warad. They reached a fortress on the river Murish, called Jenad, before which they sat down and prepared for laying siege to it. After the firing of a few guns, however, its inhabitants and garrison became dismayed, abandoned it, and fled to the mountains and thickets adjacent. This fortress, of course, was immediately taken possession of, whilst the Tátár troops pursued the fugitives; killed some, and took most of the rest prisoners. One hundred and fifty of these vile wretches were brought to the door of the serdár’s tent, and there beheaded. Jenad was put under the jurisdiction of prince Ibrahím Shikshái, inspector of Belgrade.
From Jenad the army marched to a palanka called Dilagúsh, and thence proceeded to Arad, of which, finding it deserted by its inhabitants, they took possession.
Shortly after this, messengers arrived from the prince of Transylvania with letters to his highness, the khán of the Tátárs, requesting conditions of peace, or rather requesting the khán to intercede with the Ottoman emperor and endeavour to bring about a peace. About the same time also a great quantity of rain fell, which exceedingly annoyed the Moslem troops.
On the 9th of Sefer Mustafa Páshá, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, joined the grand army with his provincials. On the 11th, the whole army crossed the Murish, but experienced the greatest difficulty in doing so. They marched along its banks for several stages, and stopped at a bridge near a deserted palanka, called Ordúbek. At length, after experiencing a thousand hardships in crossing rivers and passing through extensive marshes, they arrived in the plains of Warad on the 24th of the month, where they were joined by the beglerbeg of Wán, Yúsuf Páshá having previously been joined, whilst at Ordúbek, by the army of Gula. Two badlooshkas also, the one from Gula and the other from Temiswar, were sent to them. The Tátár khán, on the army’s leaving Jenad, took a different route with the intention of distressing and annoying the peasantry throughout the country, and joined the grand army again at Warad.
The fortress of Warad, before which the Moslem army took up its position on the 29th, was situate on the boundaries which separate Germany and Transylvania, was very strong, and surrounded by suburbs and villages. So very large and extensive a place was Warad that it could easily contain twenty thousand troops. Its gardens reached from the suburbs to Pest, and its country houses and other dwellings were no less extensive in number, it is conjectured, than the number which at that time were between Constantinople and the gardens of Dávud Páshá. It is impossible to describe accurately the whole of the gardens and orchards, and the multitude of the inhabitants of Warad. Some one or two years before the period we are now speaking of, a German army of several thousands took possession of it, and had it in subjection when the orthodox army, under the grand vezír and commander-in-chief Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, appeared before it. The suburbs and villages were inhabited by Hungarians.
About the return of spring, and after the celebration of a religious fast, which was about that time observed at Belgrade, the exalted serdár, or commander-in-chief, pitched his camp in the plains of that city, where he remained for the space of a month, making all the necessary preparations for commencing a new campaign, and also to afford time to the other troops to join the royal camp. Tarnákjí Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, the ághás of other regiments, and officers of artillery, left the metropolis for Belgrade, about the commencement of Dhu’l hijja of the last year, and reached the royal camp towards the end of the same month. In consequence also of royal letters which had been transmitted to his highness the khán of the Crimea, he furnished a considerable supply of Tátár troops; and it was not long before the serdár was informed that the troops which his royal highness Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, had supplied, and which amounted to several thousands, had arrived, under the command of a sultán, in the neighbourhood of Belgrade.
The grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, took care to appoint skilful commanders every where on the Turkish frontiers; succeeded in crushing the sedition which had broken out in the city, and in restoring tranquillity; tamed the spirit of his factious and turbulent troops, and took ample vengeance on all his enemies. In short, Hasan Páshá, the prime minister, was without a rival, and acted with absolute authority. His success was his ruin. His insolent vapouring pride and vanity grew to such a height, that even the friendship of those who were most attached to him was turned into hatred and enmity, and their esteem into disgust. The reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí, Mustafa son of Rázieh, the ághá of the janissaries, Kásim Aghá, besides other persons of note, began now to cherish an utter aversion towards this unsufferably proud and haughty vezír. These great men, and others of their order and rank, ventured, at last, to make a communication of his tyranny and misrule to the emperor; who, on receiving it, immediately wrote to the mufti, and others learned in the law, with regard to the nature of the misconduct charged against his vezír, and requested their opinion. These great and wise men acted their own part, and the result was, that both secret and open hostility began to be exercised against the grand vezír. It was alleged that he had the settled intention of banishing the queen-mother; that to accomplish this he had secured the concurrence of the janissaries, by promising to break open the treasury-chest of St. Sophia, and distributing the money in it amongst them. Kásim Aghá, to give this story the appearance of veracity, pretended he was able to substantiate the whole by credible witnesses. In short, the emperor and his mother were thoroughly persuaded of the truth of these allegations, and the following assertion had the effect of strengthening his majesty’s convictions: “If your majesty,” said his accusers, “were just now to send for the seals of office, he would refuse to deliver them up.”
One day, when the grand vezír, without entertaining the least suspicion of what was going on against him, went to Dávud Páshá on a visit to the emperor, and not finding the ághá of the palace, felt some concern as to how he might be introduced to his majesty, and therefore sent in a note intimating he had important communications to make to his royal ear; instead of having been graciously invited to enter, as he expected, he was coolly told, he would have an opportunity of laying his communications before the diván. This cold reception, as well as the answer which was returned him, he was at no loss to interpret: he perceived at once a change had taken place in his majesty’s mind towards him. He waited, therefore, with anxiety for the meeting of the diván, which took place on the Saturday following. Prior to the meeting of the diván, however, the ághá of the janissaries wrote a note to his majesty, which insinuated that there was great danger to be apprehended from the grand vezír, and that if prompt measures were not immediately taken with him, a serious tumult would most certainly ensue. In the diván, he stated the same things at great length, and concluded by saying, “that if instant precaution was not taken to thwart the purposes of the proud vezír, the seditious doctrines he had sown among the janissaries would soon, he was afraid, be felt in all their mischievous consequences. Try,” continued the ághá, “and require him to deliver up the seals of his vezírship, and I am willing to forfeit your majesty’s good-will if the janissaries do not rise to a man in resistance.” This speech excited his majesty’s anger.
In the meantime, the ketkhodá of the kapújís went to the grand vezír, and informed him how matters stood, and of the part Kásim Aghá had acted; and also that the military judges demanded his presence in the diván. The grand vezír, however, did not think proper to appear in the diván; but this ághá, bent on ruining him, did not leave a stone unturned in trying to accomplish his purpose. Towards evening, one Turk Ahmed Aghá, a kapújí báshí, brought the vezír a written message, which purported to be from his majesty. On reading this document, he set off in a sorrowful mood towards the imperial gardens, but contrived at the same time to send word to those ághás who were his friends, of the emperor’s purpose to deprive him of his office; and who immediately went to stir up the janissaries to offer resistance. They assembled themselves together in a tumultuous manner, hastened to Kásim Aghá’s gate, and charged him with being the cause of the emperor’s change of mind towards the grand vezír, shut him up in one of his rooms, and made his gate fast with locks and bars: thence they proceeded to the mufti and military judges, and threatened that if they did not immediately induce the emperor to restore Yemishjí Hasan Páshá to the premiership they would burn down their dwellings, and shed the blood of any who should venture to oppose them. They also wrote out their own sentiments, in order to present them to his majesty, but which they delayed sending till the following day. After having menaced the reverend and learned gentleman above-mentioned, they returned to pay Kásim Aghá a second visit; but he had effected his escape, and had gone to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá. On not finding Kásim Aghá a prisoner in his own house as they had left him, the enraged janissaries took the seals of his ágháship, and conferred them on Turk Ahmed Aghá. The vezírship they conferred on Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, who had been governor of Wán; but the seals of the premiership they meant to confer on Yávuz Alí Páshá, who was expected from Egypt.
Such were the transactions which took place on the above occasion, and such the result. The diván, as a matter of prudence, was forbidden to meet for a week.
On the following morning the infuriated janissaries, with one accord, proceeded to the emperor’s palace, and demanded with a loud voice that Yemishjí Hasan Páshá should be reinstated in the premiership. This demand, however, was only made to the officers and servants of the palace, but no doubt with the view of their communicating the desire of the janissaries to the royal ear.
It happened that on that day the reverend mufti, and other spiritual dignitaries, had gone with their retinue to the royal palace, where they met the new-made ághá of the janissaries, Turk Ahmed, and whom they earnestly exhorted to retrace his steps, and not follow irregular courses. In short, this mode of address made an impression on the mind of Turk Ahmed, and it seems to have communicated itself to the rest of the mutineers; for we find the janissaries suddenly changed their minds, and said, “It is no matter of ours who is at the helm of affairs: the emperor may appoint whom he pleases.” The unfortunate grand vezír’s friends among the ketkhodás and chief chávushes, and some others, still maintained his cause, and continued for a while longer to persevere in his behalf; but they, too, when they saw that their perseverance would end in no good in his behalf, followed the example of the others.
This unsettled state of things continued for the space of ten days, when ten eunuchs, under the command of the bostán báshí, by supreme authority suddenly seized on Yemishjí Hasan Páshá in the royal mint, dragged him forth into the garden of Khundán Aghá, and there despatched him, leaving his friends and followers to lament over him. Thus ended the life and activities of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá.
It may not be improper briefly to advert here to the cause of that enmity which excited Kásim Aghá against the grand vezír, and which had its origin in the following circumstance.
When Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was sent to the Seven Towers, and his property seized, that part of it which was not considered fit to be appropriated to his majesty’s own use was ordered to be sold. Kásim Aghá was the person appointed to execute this business in the first instance; but the grand vezír, on the part of the diván, associated with Kásim the son Poghacha, the third treasurer. The latter, perceiving some disposition to purloin in the former, withstood him. Kásim, fired with indignation, said that the emperor had committed to him the sale of the confiscated property, and asked him, with an air of disdain, by whose authority he had ventured to mix in matters that did not belong to him. The other defended himself, and maintained that it was the special duty of the defterdárs to attend to matters of that kind, and not to ághás. “Why,” said Kásim, in wrath, “I hope it will be my lot one day to dispose in this very way of your property, and of the property of him who sent you hither.” The treasurer, who was not possessed of superabundant meekness, communicated these unguarded sayings to the grand vezír, and of course displeased him exceedingly. When Kásim, some time afterwards, appeared before him, he reproved him for his conduct, and threatened to be revenged on him. This, then, was the cause of that hostility and ill will manifested by Kásim Aghá, as above related, and which also led him to other actions not less vindictive and cruel. After the murder of the grand vezír had been perpetrated, he not only got the treasurer, Altí Poghacha’s son deposed, but succeeded also in keeping him confined in the Seven Towers for a considerable time, and caused the whole of his property to be confiscated—thus verifying, in part at least, the truth of his own prediction. Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s secretary he caused to be arrested, and made him advance security for his future conduct. Yáishá Zádeh Hamzah Effendí, the reïs-ul-ketáb, or reïs-effendí, was by his means sent to prison, and the whole of his property would also have been confiscated, had it not been for the good offices of the ághá of the salihdárs, who interfered in his behalf. Kátibmim, the secretary to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, was made reïs-effendí in room of Hamza Effendí.
This Kásim, though only an ághá, seems to have acted with as much authority and controul, in fact, as if he had been possessed of absolute and supreme dominion over the lives and fortunes of men. We shall hear more of him just now, and still more afterwards.
Hasan Beg Zádeh relates, that when Sháh Abbás had laid siege to Reván, or shortly after, Sheríf Mohammed Páshá, having obtained the promise of personal security, went to wait on the sháh, who in the most cowardly and barbarous manner slew him. It was during the time the sháh was engaged in reducing the above-mentioned city, that a division of the Persian army, under the command of Emír Gunah Khán, was sent to reduce the fortress of Akcha Kalla. Emír Gunah Khán having succeeded in the taking of Akcha Kalla without fighting a single battle, drove the whole of the Armenian peasantry in that quarter to Ispahan. The country around Reván, having fallen into the hands of the enemy, was conferred on this heretical chief.
After the sháh had accomplished the reduction of Reván, he led his forces against Kars, and laid siege to it. The warriors of Kars, and about four hundred Osmánlís, who had escaped thither from Reván, the greater part of whom were wounded, were animated by such a spirit of valour as vigorously to resist the invading host. The perverted sháh was completely enraged; and sent them word, that when he took the place he would not spare one of them.
Kurus, another place, but of less note, also fell into the hands of the enemy, but the poor Musselmans who had escaped were surrounded by Gusah Sefer Páshá, emír of Erzerúm. About this same time also, the enemy attempted the taking of Akhiska, at least they manifested a disposition to do so; but God protected it. Karah Kásh Páshá was, at that time, hákim or governor of Akhiska, and was present in it when this hostile disposition was manifested. Three hundred Persians, who had advanced with full purpose of attacking the above place, took up their quarters in a large dwelling not far from it, in which they gave themselves up to most shameful actions. Thither they collected the females belonging to the Armenian peasantry, and carried on with them the most obscene courses. Their husbands, of course, were enraged at seeing their wives thus used; and, therefore, secretly sent word to Sefer Sheríf Páshá; who, without loss of time, attacked them with the few men who had escaped from Reván. The mode of attack was rather singular: they made a hole in the roof of the house wherein these voluptuous wretches had taken up their quarters, and after they had fairly entered it, they rose up and slew every one of these drunken revellers, who never once dreamt of the destruction that awaited them. Their heads were severed from their bodies and sent to Constantinople.
Sheríf Páshá, and also Karah Kásh Páshá, to whom we have been referring, perished in a defeat which Jeghala Zádeh afterwards sustained. It is said in the Fezliké, however, that the sháh, after he had conquered Reván, shewed very great respect to Sheríf Páshá, and conferred on him the superintendence of the mosques and other religious establishments; and also that Sheríf Páshá spent the remainder of his life at Meshhed. About four hundred families who had accepted of offers which the sháh had made them, were all sent off to Kurus under the charge of Mohammed Páshá, son of Khezer Páshá.
About this period, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Erzerúm, and the commander-in-chief of the Turkish forces in the east, died, and the troops became dispersed; but before we can attend further to the relation of the affairs of the east, we have to commence the events of the following year.
Botchkai, of whom we have before spoken, when thoroughly strengthened and supported by Ottoman forces, nothing withstood him: he was every where victorious. During the time that the Moslem general was employed in the reduction of Osterghún, Botchkai formed the design of laying siege to the fortress of Uivár, and therefore requested to be supplied with Moslem troops for that purpose. In accordance with this request Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Agria, the princes of Serim, of Alasha Hisár, of Semendria, and the prince of Terhalah with a thousand Tátárs and a body of Circassians, were sent to his assistance. Botchkai committed the command of his army to an infidel of the name of Humnaí, a Hungarian prince. Bektásh Páshá, formerly mentioned, was also engaged in the siege of Uivár. One thousand of the janissaries who had been engaged in the siege of Osterghún, and a considerable number of provincial troops, under the Khosrú Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, were afterwards sent forward to Uivár; over whom, as well as over those Moslem troops already sent, he was made chief commander. Uivár, however, though at first it showed some little courage, soon submitted to Botchkai, who having expressed a desire that it should remain under his dominion, the commanding general, in conformity with the promise which had been made to him with regard to making him ruler of Mejár or Ardil, or both, deputed Teryákí Hasan Páshá to accompany Ahmed Effendí, the priest of the camp, and formally to install Botchkai in the possession of Uivár.
About this same period, Teryákí Hasan Páshá was sent with a division of the Romeilian troops to reduce Besperim and Polatah. The last of these only he subjected to the Moslem yoke, and afterwards returned and joined the royal camp in the vicinity of Buda. The beglerbeg of Buda, Bosniak Mustafa Páshá, in the meantime, was degraded, and his beglerbegship was conferred on Alí Páshá son of Kází Zádeh, ruler of Silistria. The jurisdictions or sanjáks of Semendria, of Nicopolis, of Silistria, of Chormin, and of Wiza, were all put under the guardianship of the garrison of Buda.
After the fortress, which had been reduced, had been all repaired, the victorious general made preparations for returning to Belgrade.
On the afternoon of the same day the son of an aged man who had retired from his beglerbegship was beheaded, and his property seized by the avaricious Dervísh; but though all who witnessed this cruel transaction hesitated not to speak of it as an act of foul murder, yet it had not the effect of preventing a concourse of nobles and grandees coming to congratulate the new grand vezír on his elevation to the premiership. On the third day after Dervísh Páshá’s exaltation, the emperor’s chaplain waited on him to pay his respects; and the mufti effendí, the Moslem high priest, after having performed the public service at the mosque, waited on the prime minister and kindly joined with him in his afternoon devotions. When the reverend mufti was about to retire, the grand vezír informed him that there would be no public diván on the following day, but that a council would be held in the royal presence, and at which he invited him to be present. The reverend high priest bowed and promised to attend.
Next morning the whole of the ministers and the reverend effendís met in council in the imperial presence, and after listening to the opening speech of the emperor, they were informed that it was then too far in the season to prosecute any farther, that year, the object which he had in view in ordering preparations in behalf of Anatolia and the east; and then added, that it would be far more advisable to let things remain as they then were until the following year, when the preparations alluded to would be again resumed. The council, on hearing these sentiments uttered, were struck dumb with surprise. At length the mufti effendí spoke. “With indecent impatience, certainly,” said the reverend prelate, “your slave (Lálá Mohammed Páshá) was hurried in the work of preparation for the war in the east, and contrary to the views of almost all here present, his tent was ordered to be erected at Scutari. Is it prudent, think you, sire, to call back to Constantinople the camp there established? Rather let the commander-in-chief (probably Nesúh) go on to Aleppo; there winter, and make preparations for commencing, in the spring, hostilities against the Persians.” His majesty to this replied, by asking him what advantage he thought would accrue from following that advice. “ Why,” rejoined the reverend prelate, “the advantage which will accrue is this: the royal camp will not have gone forth for no purpose: the royal pavilion (the serdár’s tent) will not have been erected in the sight of friend and foe in vain. When Sultán Soleimán Khán went to the Nakhcheván war he wintered at Aleppo, and when the following spring arrived, he marched to the east. Such is the method which ought now to be pursued.” The emperor again enquired what good he supposed or imagined would result from following the course he had pointed out. The reverend mufti hastily replied: “was it creditable that a Moslem army, encamped at Scutari, and ready for entering into the scene of action, should be recalled before that army had accomplished the purpose for which it had been assembled? At least, should not that army, I ask, even though it should accomplish nothing more, be sent to protect our possessions in the east?” The emperor, pressed by the reasoning of the high priest, answered, that Ferhád Páshá might proceed with a few troops, and take the camp at Scutari along with him. “Well, then,” asked Siná-allah Effendí, “shall not a sum of money be allowed for the purpose of purchasing provisions for them?” The emperor briefly answered, “that there was no money in the treasury; and whence,” said he, “can I furnish money for that purpose?” The reverend prelate, still persevering in pressing the emperor, asked if the treasury of Egypt might not afford a supply. “That,” rejoined the emperor, “is for our private expenses; we cannot part with the funds supplied from that quarter.” “Why, then,” continued the high priest, and without being in the least awed or terrified, “how did your ancestor, Sultán Soleimán Khán, do when he went to the war at Sigetwar at a time when his treasury was drained? Thus: he took all the gold and silver vessels which were in the royal house, sent them to the mint, caused them to be melted down into specie, and thus provided himself with the means of paying the expense of the war. Doubtless,” added the bold and fearless priest, “doubtless, the treasury of Egypt can well afford to advance the sum requisite for the object now proposed.” The emperor knit his brow and thus addressed the mufti: “Thou dost not comprehend my meaning, effendí; thou understandest not my words. Times are not always alike. The circumstance you refer to was requisite for that time. Why is it that you assume the present exigency to be similar to that which existed at the period you have mentioned?” The menla, perceiving his oratory had made no impression on the mind of the emperor, rose up with the rest of the counsellors and departed.
Kátib Chelebí says, in his Fezliké, that Hasan Beg Zádeh has recorded this story in his history as a well authenticated fact. The circumstance referred to in the reign of Soleimán and that now related, can admit, we think, of no comparison, and it would be an error in judgment to suppose them similar. The opinion of the emperor, as expressed in the conversation we have related, seems to have been incontestably correct.
Dervísh Páshá was very much offended at the bold and fearless way in which the reverend mufti expressed himself in the above council; he perceived, or thought he perceived, the mufti had laboured hard to get him sent off to the eastern provinces. So much, indeed, did this evil-minded vezír feel himself aggrieved by the sentiments expressed by the mufti, that he determined on getting him deprived of his theological prerogative of issuing fetwas; a difficulty, however, presented itself, to get rid of which he was much puzzled. “If,” thought he, “I make Khoaja Zádeh mufti (the emperor’s chaplain), his two brothers, already in power, will form a union with him, and then they will deny me the liberty of speech.” This thought had the effect of making him change his mind with regard to Khoaja Zádeh, and he at last raised Abulmeymín Mustafa Effendí, a second time, to the sacred office of mufti.
Although Dervísh Páshá had used every method he could contrive, however unworthy, of getting the late grand vezír, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, sent to the eastern provinces, yet he himself, now that he was made grand vezír, manifested the utmost unwillingness to undertake the task he wished so earnestly to impose upon his predecessor. Being, as he thought, secure in the premiership, and courted by all ranks of men, he became lavish in his promises, and exposed himself to the art and cunning of sycophants who crowded round him. One of the thousand flatterers who sounded his praises, and who was anxious to be put in possession of a good situation, when talking with him one day, went the length, in his fulsome adulations, thus to address him: “My lord, thou art the sun that illuminates the world, which scatters a reviving light throughout all regions, and which removes the darkness from the world.” This contemptible, mean fellow, who ascribed to him epithets which only belong to God, he promoted to a situation of honour and emolument; demonstrations that this sort of flattery and adulation was pleasing to his heart and suitable to the state of his mind.
To escape the fatigues incident to a military life, he found or invented means to prevent his being sent to take command of the Ottoman armies, and got the emperor to favour his remaining at home. What he himself declined he transferred to another. Ferhád Páshá was fixed on to take the command of the troops destined for the east, which were still encamped at Scutari. Ferhád’s inexperience and unfitness for the important office assigned him was but too evident to every one; but to promote his own views and purposes Dervísh Páshá got this man appointed commander-in-chief, notwithstanding his utter unfitness for so great an undertaking as that of commanding the army of the east against the enemies of the Ottoman empire.
Ferhád passed over to Scutari on the 4th of the month Sefer. Osmán Aghá, ketkhodá of the janissaries, with 10,000 troops, six companies of artillery, and the provincial troops of Caramania and Sivás, were all to act under his command.
This expedition, however, as might have been anticipated, failed. Want of generalship in the commander, added to the absence of common feeling between him and his various troops; his ignorance, rashness, and scurrility of tongue, all contributed to estrange the troops from him. A violent contention having taken place between him and the spáhís, they raised a commotion about their pay, and attacked his tent with stones, and soon demolished it. With the exception of these disgraceful scenes to which we have here adverted, this expedition achieved nothing worthy of remark. A certain writer, Mahmúd Chelebí, relates, that when this mad Ferhád went to Brúsa, he collected about him a number of necessitous adventurers, and, when remonstrated with respecting this, he was accustomed to reply in the most harsh and profane language. In other respects his conduct was also similar: his troops dispersed; some of them having received no pay, were obliged to proceed to Turkey to receive it; and he himself, after being degraded, took up his residence at Iconium, where he died of grief.
Zighmun (Sigismund), king of Poland, at this time sent an ambassador to Constantinople, with the view of negotiating a continuance of the friendly relation which had subsisted betwixt Turkey and Poland since the last treaty of peace, entered into during the reign of Sultán Mohammed Khán III. In this treaty it was stipulated, on the part of the Turkish government, that none of the countries over which Sigismund reigned should be invaded by either the grand sultán or the khán of the Crimea: and in like manner it was stipulated by Sigismund, that none of the princes under him, or any of his rebellious Cossaks, should ever transgress the Moslem boundaries. In conformity with the above treaty, it was now stipulated, that the king of Poland, after strict examination and search, should return all the prisoners who had been taken during the interval of the peace, and that the Ottoman government should act in a similar way, by returning such of his infidel captives as the Ottomans had seized, to officers appointed by the king: that all traders, whether by sea or land, were to pay the accustomed dues in all such places as they should happen to visit: that Poland, according to ancient custom, was to continue to pay to the khán of the Tátárs what it was in the habit of paying: that when the khán and his Tátárs are required to join the Ottoman army, they shall not pass through any part of the dominions of Poland, but take some other way: that in the event of any foreign enemy attacking Poland, the Tátárs are, in such a case, to aid the King of Poland if required to do so: that the Walachian and Moldavian nations shall not make inroads on the frontiers of Poland: that the inspectors or commanders of ports and the collectors of the revenue in Silistria and Akkerman shall permit no traders or merchants, except those trading with both countries, to enter Poland by any of the above-mentioned places: that should any slave or captive be found in the possession of any of those traders, whether crossing or recrossing the frontiers, all such traders shall be deprived of them, and the captives or slaves shall be sent to the proper quarter: that all traders or merchants shall pay whatever lawful impost is or may be fixed on; but no tax shall be laid on the money or specie which they may have or bring along with them to either country: that though the dollar, bearing the impression of the lion, which is current in Poland, be less in weight than the proper standard, it shall still be received, and the loss arising from this circumstance shall be mutual: that the royal firmán shall prohibit the receiving of usury within the Ottoman empire in future, and ordain, moreover, that hereafter the standard of the dollar, for the purposes and advantage of trade, shall be of various values: that should any of the Polish merchants choose to set free any slave or slaves, by ransoming them with money, they may do so; but no Muselman shall be either bought or sold. All the above articles having been approved of by the emperor, were signed on the 20th of Rabia I. of this year.